Controlology: Beyond the New Criminology by Jason Ditton (auth.)

By Jason Ditton (auth.)

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This begins to erode juridicial concern, and dampen legislative enthusiasm, and support for repressive criminal legislation will diminish (a constructed-crime contraction). Additionally, the simple elapse of time alone will subtract 'news' value from continued reports of the same crime. Also, a falling crime rate is not news, and this, if known, will increase deceleration;45 thus, there will also be a reporting-crime contraction. The reduction in crime, and the subsequent fall-off in control begins to progressively and regeneratively feed back.

By adopting the 'what happened' criteria exclusively, we might drop (and aid the decriminalisation of) Schur's 'crimes without victims', perhaps include Wilkins's earlier (1963) category of 'crimes without criminals' (referring to los ses sustained without being able to auach liability to the architect), and, importantly, elect to consideration that massive category (suggested in a personal communication from Philip Corrigan) of 'victims without crimes' - the unfortunate ingestors of maiming wonder-drugs, passengers on lethai aircraft, operators of dangerous industrial machinery, purchasers of contaminated food, and so on.

19. Sellin's rule (quoted in Ferracuti, Hernandez and Wolfgang, 1962, p. 114) is that: 'The value of criminal statistics as the basis for the measurement of criminality in geographic areas decreases as the procedure takes us further away from the offence itseIf. The Sellin view is, correspondingly, that police knowledge of crimes-committed (for which there may not be a known offender) is the closest approximation to the real crime-rate. 345) point out, however, that apart from its juristic limitations, 'with one or two exceptions, "crime" for the police means those offences for which crime complaint and crime report forms have to be completed' .

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