By Lionel Caplan
One of the legacies of the colonial come upon are any variety of modern ‘mixed-race’ populations, descendants of the offspring of sexual unions regarding eu males (colonial officers, investors, etc.) and native ladies. those teams invite critical scholarly recognition simply because they not just problem notions of a inflexible divide among colonizer and colonized, yet beg a number of questions on continuities and changes within the postcolonial international. This e-book matters one such crew, the Eurasians of India, or Anglo-Indians as they got here to be unique. Caplan offers an historicized ethnography in their modern lives as those relate either to the colonial earlier and to stipulations within the current. specifically, he forcefully indicates that includes which theorists go together with the postcolonial current — blurred obstacles, a number of identities, creolized cultures — were a part of the colonial earlier to boot. proposing a strong argument opposed to theoretically essentialized notions of tradition, hybridity and postcoloniality, this booklet is a much-needed contribution to fresh debates in cultural experiences, literary concept, anthropology, sociology in addition to ancient stories of colonialism, ‘mixed-race’ populations and cosmopolitan identities.
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Extra info for Children of Colonialism
Top post. Then, the goods agent-salt quotas, [who] controls the whole of the goods traffic, was always an Anglo-Indian. The joint station superintendent at Vijaywada, [where several railways met] was also an Anglo-Indian. Only Anglo-Indians got those jobs. Pride of the community. Another area of significant Anglo-Indian employment was the Telegraphs Department (see Brown 1994: 100; Symonds 1987: 33). Although community leaders complained that following the MontaguChelmsford Reforms restrictions were being placed on the recruitment of Anglo-Indians into the service (see Annual Report of the Anglo-Indian Association of Southern India, 1924), those who worked there even at the end of the colonial period emphasized its distinctive Anglo-Indian ambience.
A woman who had quit school without completing her high school certificate remarked ‘Tamil is very hard, we all cannot master that language. Where [how] we can learn that language? ’23 But other explanations are also offered. Some give as their reasons for leaving school a lack of interest in studying, or a reluctance to apply themselves seriously. Like the Madras pupils Brennan interviewed in the seventies they ‘blame themselves’ for their failures (1979: 105-6). Others cite poverty as the principal motive: insufficient resources for fees, books, uniforms or maintenance.
This was a piquant illustration of how in so many British discourses on Anglo-Indians, race and class were blurred to become a ‘scrambled social category’ (Stoler 1995: 130). In the 1930s, by which time a majority of Anglo-Indians in employment were engaged on the railways, in some other branch of government service, or in the – 25 – Children of Colonialism offices of European companies, the sociologist Hedin suggested that ‘nearly all Anglo-Indian workers could be described as ‘lower white collar class’ (1934: 173).