Britain and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-51 by Ilan Pappe

By Ilan Pappe

In an research of Britain's coverage in the direction of Palestine within the post-mandatory period, the writer examines the conditions which ended in the formula of Britain's coverage - the partition of vital Palestine among Israel and Jordan - and the phases of its implementation. an important subject matter emerges: that Britain's center East coverage was once a functionality of 2 major good points: Britain's shut alliance with Transjordan; and its pragmatic adaptability to advancements within the quarter. in line with basic resources made on hand just recently in British, Israeli and American data, the e-book deals new insights right into a coverage which used to be to have a ways reaching-effects.

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Sample text

The Israelis who participated in the meeting reported that their impression was that Abdullah would look for ways of improving his position by extending his territory somewhat beyond the 29 November resolution but would not attempt to occupy the Jewish state. 64 However, notwithstanding these interpretations of the last meeting, one has to explain another incident that on the face of it meant deviation from the original agreement. This incident, the Gush Etzion affair, was so crucial that when it occurred two days before the war broke out, it could easily have provoked full-scale Jewish-Legion clashes.

27 As indicated in the introduction, Abdullah needed the treaty as a pretext for something else . The Eastern Department and Kirkbride suspected that the King was anxious to discuss the future of Palestine. Very few in the Trans jordan delegation knew the real motives for the negotiations. In order to discuss Palestine, the Transjordan premier asked for a separate meeting without the knowledge of his minister for foreign affairs, who was considered to be more militant, a pan-Arabist, and one who would have probably refused to accept any deal over the future of Palestine.

This situation was viewed favourably in London. The Legion had most of Arab Palestine, and the UN resolution was implemented almost in its entirety; that is, except for a small part of the Negev, there were no regular forces in the territory recommended for the Jewish state. 29 Furthermore, since the Jews were in Arab areas (notably in Western Galilee), officials in the Eastern Department envisaged a possible solution: Western Galilee could be Jewish, while the Negev could be restored to the Arabs.

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